富兰克林·罗斯福的“四大自由”思想是在1941年l月6日对国会发表的国情咨文中具体阐述的，具体是指要在世界范围内保障人类的言论自由、信仰自由、经济自由和安全自由。“四大自由”的阐述以纲领性的高度描绘了美国民主政治和美国理想的蓝图，并在罗斯福的一系列内政外交的政策和举措中体现出来。二战后期以美国为首的盟国在构建战后世界的新秩序时更是深受“四大自由”思想的影响。考虑到罗斯福是在受命于国家危难之际同时也是处于世界历史上少有的转折点的情况下提出该思想的，所以人们把它和华盛顿的告别演说、“自罗主义”、“自户开放”政策等并列为美国历史上最重要的对外政策。
文化、政治思想和国家制度，生于美国上层社会的罗斯福自小就生活在这种氛围之中，不可能不受其潜移默化的影响，这些正是罗斯福形成其个人思想的关键性因素。罗斯福创新性的把这些传统思想以“四大自由”的新面貌公诸于世的贡献，很难从表面上判断他的政策倾向。
罗斯福的“四大自由”是在1941年初提出的，其具体内容如下：
“在我们力图保持安宁的今后的生活，我们期盼有一个建立在四项人类基本自由的世界。”
第一是言论和发表意见的自由——遍及世界各地。
第二是每个人以自由的方式崇奉上帝的自由——遍及世界各地。
第三是免于匮乏的自由——从全世界角度来谈，这就意味着可以使每个国家保证其居民过上健康的和平时期的生活——遍及世界各地。
第四是免于恐惧的自由——从全世界角度来谈，这就意味着世界范围的裁军，并使之如此全面达到这样的程度，以至任何国家都小会处于能对别国采取有形侵略行为的地位——遍及世界各地。
当罗斯福在作这次国情咨文时二次世界大战早己爆发。在欧洲，英国成为在希特勒铁蹄之下唯一幸免的民主国家。在东亚，日本已控制中国最富庶的国土并且已准备下一步向美英等国在远东地区的势力发起挑战。而美国，在传统的孤立主义的影响下对战争的事态却持冷漠的态度。有着深远政治眼光的罗斯福早已认识到：尽管美国试图把自己置身于战争之外，可是美国的实力以及在全球的利益关系将使得这种努力是徒劳的。最终，无论是否情愿，美国都将被拖入这场战争之中。况且，这次战争和以往的大战相比有着新的特点，这不仅是一次单纯的争夺领土、资源、霸权的战争，更是一次意识形态的较量——专制对民主的较量。美国有着极为深厚的民走传统，所以对民主国家支持的倾向已经表现得非常明显。但是对于即将走向战场的美国来说这还是不够的。美国必须在精神上，在意识形态上有自己的判断，这样才能和法西斯的意识形态做斗争，才能鼓舞、武装自己以及盟国，才能奠定战后世界秩序的行为准则。“四大自由”在此时应运而生，它标志着罗斯福（某种意义上也是美国的）己把其政治理想扩展到最高阶段世界秩序的建立。同时“四大自由”也是罗斯福“新政”的必然逻辑的发展。
这四种自由中的每一种都和法西斯主义国家所信奉的意识形态针锋相对，这两种水火小容的思想是无法共存的。如果非要为“四大自由”和法西斯的意识形态找共同点的话，那就只有“遍及世界各地”这一点。罗斯福在此暗示在面对法西斯国家疯狂的对外武力扩张和将自己的意识形态输出全世界的情况下，美国将带领民主国家奋起反抗，为消灭法西斯主义的思想不惜决一死战的决心。我们可以认为：这是一种美国还没有在战场上与法西斯主义国家正面交锋但却在意识形态的领域率先向法西斯国家的宣战呢？无论如何，美国与法西斯国家在战场上的正而交锋终于在这一年的年末成为现实。
追根溯源，这四大自由可在《独立宣言》中找到其最初的思想根源：
“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，他们被造物主赋予某些小可转让的权力，其中包括生命、自由和追求幸福的权力……我们的政府必须以这样的原则为基础，并且用这样的方式组织其权力，以使人民认为这样最可能实现他们的安全和幸福。”
杰斐逊在起草《独立宣言》时，把“财产”，改为“追求幸福”，但在美国人心目中依然是“生命、自由和财产”。因此，哈佛大学教授詹姆斯·威尔逊认为保护“生命、向由、财产”，这些基本权利，不仅是美国革命的目的，也是美国宪法的目的。
《独立宣言》中所提到的生存权与安全和“四大自由”中提到的政治的自由也是有一致性的。当初北美人民就是因为小满英国的统治，认为他们的自由已经受到践踏后才奋起反抗并最终取得胜利的。《独立宣言》表达的就是这些自由的权利是天赋的、是不容侵犯的，如果这些自由受到威胁，那么就有足够的理由去为捍卫这些自由而战。
“四大自由”也表达了这种思想，即：现在人类正在面临一场前所未有的危险，优秀的民主国家受到信奉专制主义排斥个人基本自由的法西斯国家的挑战。民主国家已经岌岌可危，如果任其发展下去，最终也将危害到美国，危及到每个美国公民的基本自由，威胁到美国传统的自由信仰。所以每个美国人民都有权利和义务去捍卫自己的自由！
如果说《独立宣言》只是表达一种思想、一种理想的话，那么《美国宪法》则把这种理想、这种思想给现实化。它用国家的根本大法——宪法的形式确保并保护，这些自由。
宪法中的这种对言论自由以及信仰自由的保护深深的植根于美国人的精神之中并已成为美国赖以立国的根基之一。“四大自由”中的言论自由和信仰自由即来源于此。值得注意的是1791年12月通过的宪法十项修正案（也就是通常所说的《权利法案》）中才给予确定的。这说明刚开始的《美国宪法》并没有这些条款，但是美国人民对此不满，通过斗争而获得这些权利的。北美人民的思想及价值取向中从一开始就有言论自由这一项。我们平时都说往往宪法或法律能造就或培养一个民族的法制、自由、民主等思想，可是在这里，我们似乎不得不承认一个国家的宪法和法律也必须依靠有觉悟的社会民众的争取和斗争才能获得。
就任于美国历史上最大的危机时期的罗斯福把战胜经济大萧条、恢复美国经济、使美国人民能有稳定的甚至是富余的收入作为新政府的首要目标。1935年11月29日罗斯福在佐治亚州亚特兰大做感恩节演说时称：
“……我感到自豪，因为我清楚地看到在城市和乡村中恢复物质上的繁荣，特别是我感到，一种日益增长的精神上的繁荣，这将给我们人类带来更大的帮助和幸福。”
“……但是经济复兴小只限于国家有盈余。你们和我都不想简单的回到过去的情况。我们都要相信，今后的人类将会比以往任何时候都要好的生活条件下，享受人生更丰富的美好事物。在过去的这两年半时间里，美国人的生活得到改善，如果说在这方而我要起什么作用的话，那就是我将尽全力使之在今后得到进一步的改善……”
不止这次演讲，罗斯福从上任之始就一直在强调保护人民的生活和经济自由，这种思想是贯穿于罗斯福的每一次演讲、炉边谈话、国情咨文之中的。罗斯福一再强调：经济任务是首要的任务。而且罗斯福的观点是一种发展的观点，即不光是保障人民的基本生活，更要使人民越来越富裕。“四大自由”中的经济自由也是这种思想的表达，只不过把这种经济自由的范围扩大到全人类而已。
罗斯福一开始多少抱有孤立主义的想法，他认为这样做最能保证美国人民的自由与安全。可是随着世界局势的恶性发展，罗斯福认识到传统的孤立主义并小能使美国摆脱战火，相反会使美国成为法西斯最后的、共同的目标。美国具有深厚的民主传统，美国人民具有坚定自由信仰，罗斯福向然是站在民主国家一边的。于是他的谈话的语气和态度产生很大的转变。1940年1月4日在对国会的演说中说：
“不介入战争，与佯称战争与己无关是截然不同的两回事。我们必须看到，如果世界上所有的小国都丧失独立，这会给我们自己的前途带来什么影响……”
而到1941年时，欧洲大陆上以法国为首的民主国家纷纷沦陷，只剩下英国在孤单且奋勇的抵抗着，这时罗斯福在1941年1月6日对国会的年度咨文上这么说：
“任何现实主义的美国人都不能期望，按照独裁者意旨所取得的和平会导致国际间慷慨地相互对待，或者真正恢复独立，或者世界裁军、言论自由、信仰自由——乃至有好生意可做。”
罗斯福也意识到美国最终必将成为反法西斯盟国的领袖，所以必须要有一种理念，一种信仰来领导盟国。所以他把原先反复提到的保障每个美国公民安全自由的思想在此扩大，成为在四大自由中的第四个自由——保障世界上每个国家的安全自由！
在具体措施上，罗斯福在四大自由中提出如何给予民主国家以支援，如何扩大军事工业的生产，如何转变经济结构等措施。同时坚决的反对孤立主义以及反对在政府工作中因为党派的偏见而影响工作的行为。
1940年末法西斯的势力已几乎占领大半个欧洲和大半个中国。在这种情况下，罗斯福提出“四大自由”的思想，它代表罗斯福最高的政治理想。美国参战后罗斯福在各种场合又大谈自由、安全、繁荣、和平等理想，俨然一付世界领导的模样（虽然事实上也的确是），可是在一些重大的会议中他又私下签订很多秘密防定，其中有很多是和他的“四大自由”思想相抵触的。罗斯福的这种“多变性”似乎使得我们对其思想是如何形成所做的解释变的毫无意义。
这也是罗斯福在当时受到国内外环境的限制所致。在一个国内矛盾重重、国外环境日益恶化的状况下，采取掩饰自己理想而发表一些使不同派别都满意的言论对一位急需获得国内支持与团结的领导人来说小失为上上之选，有很好的现实感正是罗斯福的一大优点。正如罗斯福本人所说：“我们的立场对于明显对立的孤立主义者和国际主义者来说，似乎都能接受。孤立主义者赞成我们，是因为我们不要战争。国际主义者赞成我们，是因为我们同英法合作”。罗斯福是真的不要战争吗？其实他从一开始就觉察到和法西斯国家的战争也许是不可避免的，罗斯福认为“法西斯是一种罪恶的思想和制度，因此要建立理想的国际秩序，必须根除法西斯主义，惩罚其倡导者，使他们名誉扫地，改造其追随者”。1939年3月，他也告诉国会，像美国这样的代议制政府不会允许专制政体的兴起。不过他对于这场也许不可避免的战争的残酷性也有深刻的认识，所以他反复引用威尔逊在一战时说的话：“当我们要同德国打仗时，我们必须弄清楚，全国不仅同我们一起打，而且还愿意同我们一起打到底”。罗斯福认为必须保持这种模棱两可的态度直到全国人民都抛弃那种不切实际的孤立主义的思想，否则他认为这是极其危险的。他经常饶有回味的说：“你一心想带领人们前进，可是掉头一看，没有一个跟着，这真可怕。”他在等待，一旦时机成熟，他的理想必将成为在重大危机下美国人民最有力的思想武器。
美国社会是一个多元化的社会，持有各种思想、观点、文化和宗教信仰的公众在美国社会中都能找到。我们在这里所提到的公众并不是指有一个作为整体的公众，而是指“把公众看作在特定时间对于特定问题实际上形成并表示意见的个人集合体”。在美国的政治生活中由公众而产生出的舆论则对政府的决策会产生重大的影响。如果考虑到这点，我们就更能理解罗斯福在那样的社会背景下做法的合理性。
在对待欧洲和亚洲所出现的战争危机的问题上，当时美国主要有两种主流的社会舆论。一种是传统的孤立主义，另一种则是“新兴”的国际主义。这两种思想在美国都有深厚的历史，从开国之初就影响着美国的对外政策。
如果说孤立主义在20世纪头30年处于顶峰一点也小为过，其势力强大到使得威尔逊使美国加入国联的企图无功而返。不过究其根源在美国刚建国的时候在“国父”华盛顿的告别演说中找到：
“欧洲有一系列基本利益和我们根本没有关系，或者只有很远的关系。因此它老是陷在争议之中，而这些争议的根源实质上同我们关心的事物是毫不相干的……为什么要将我们的命运同欧洲任何一部分的命运交织起来，将和平和繁荣同欧洲的野心、对抗、利益、情绪或任性牵涉在一起？”
后来的美国孤立主义者们总是不断的引用华盛顿的这段讲话来作为其政策的出发点。到19世纪20年代，自罗总统提出，“美洲是美洲人的美洲”的名言，此即为“自罗主义”。孤立主义者把华盛顿告别演说和自罗主义糅合起来，终于形成孤立主义思想的一套体系。他们认为美国国家政策的重点应该只限于国内事务，最多也只应限制于阻止欧洲在西半球扩张的企图这一范围而已。在随后的几十年中美国也的确照着这条路走着，并且获得了迅猛的发展。
关于孤立主义的历史地位问题及对本世纪初美国的外交政策的影响上，诺德林格指出，大多数历史学家都认定，直到19世纪后期之前，孤立主义都很适合美国，并对当前普遍存在的观点——在美国取得大国地位之后需要更多国际主义的和干预的战略——表示怀疑。他认为，当时世界上发生的重大变化不需要拒绝战略上的孤立主义或者为其辩解。新的现实并没有使美国的战略免疫力遭到危害。
可是即使在这样的情况下孤立主义在美国还是开始遭到一部分人的怀疑和指责，也许是因为到19世纪末期，美国的经济总量已居世界第一，领土也已扩张到太平洋沿岸，以美国现有的实力可以在更广阔的范围内寻求利益。
相对于孤立主义，国际主义似乎在道德上看起来显得更加高尚。特别是威尔逊式理想的国际主义曾使得罗斯福热血沸腾，并最终改变他一生的思想。但美国的国际主义是一种很特别的东西，它似乎根植于美国人的那种天生的优越感之中。独特的地理位置、丰富的自然资源、根深蒂固的理想主义和思想意识倾向、独特的三权分立政治制度等等使得美国人认为自己与众不同，总之美国人自认为他们是这个世界的一个例外！
“四大自由”实质上是罗斯福为扩展美国的国家利益、伸张美国价值观而举出的一面美丽的理想主义大旗，当然也不能否认其中也的确含有罗斯福个人的美好理想在其中。不过这种要“遍及世界”的带有强烈普世主义色彩的国际主义理想——“四大自由”也为以后的冷战埋下伏笔。
第二节 罗斯福1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲
The Four Freedoms
Delivered 6 January， 1941
Mr. President， Mr.Speaker， members of the 77th Congress：
I address you， the members of this new Congress， at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word "unprecedented" because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789， most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And， fortunately， only one of these——the four-year war between the States——ever threatened our national unity.Today， thank God， 130000000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies， in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific， for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce.But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition——clear， definite opposition——to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today， thinking of our children and of their children， we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours， extending over all these years， was proved， for example， in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana， and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade， it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion， from 1815 to 1914——ninety-nine years——no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico， no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength； it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914， it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on， as we remember， the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich， and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world——assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations， great and small.And the assailants are still on the march， threatening other nations， great and small.
Therefore， as your President， performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union，" I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails， all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia， and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors.And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents， the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere——yes， many times over.
In times like these it is immature——and， incidentally， untrue——for anybody to brag that an unprepared America， single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back， can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity， or return of true independence， or world disarmament， or freedom of expression， or freedom of religion——or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted； but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously， as long as the British Navy retains its power， no such danger exists.Even if there were no British Navy， it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean， until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe——particularly the lesson of Norway， whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops.The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes——and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they， not we， will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history.That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility， great accountability.The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily——almost exclusively——to meeting this foreign peril.For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates， our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations， large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this：
First， by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship， we are committed to all——inclusive national defense.
Secondly， by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship， we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail， and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third， by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship， we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate.And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore， the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.Goals of speed have been set.In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time.In some cases we are on schedule； in other cases there are slight but not serious delays.And in some cases——and， I am sorry to say， very important cases——we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy， however， have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day.And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training， in ability， and in patriotism.They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low， our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations：
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships， but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program， when new tools， new plant facilities， new assembly lines， new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course， must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However， there is certain information， as the Congress itself will readily recognize， which， in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting， must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds， to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves.They do not need manpower， but they do need billions of dollars'worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot， and we will not， tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons——a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States， fitting their orders into our own program.And nearly all of their material would， if the time ever came， be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities， considering what is best for our own security， we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who， by their determined and heroic resistance， are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid， repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities， repaid in similar materials， or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies： "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies， our resources， and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.We shall send you in ever——increasing numbers， ships， planes， tanks， guns.That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid——Such aid is not an act of war， even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators——if the dictators——are ready to make war upon us， they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law， which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression.The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt.No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet.The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes， and we must prepare， all of us prepare， to make the sacrifices that the emergency——almost as serious as war itself——demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense， in defense preparations of any kind， must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business， of labor， and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort， not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is， first， to shame them by patriotic example， and if that fails， to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone， they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending.The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people， have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are：
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment——The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple， the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples：
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice， and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes.In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today.No person should try， or be allowed to get rich out of the program， and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
If the Congress maintains these principles the voters， putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks， will give you their applause.
In the future days， which we seek to make secure， we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
The first is freedom of speech and expression——everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way——everywhere in the world.
The third is freedom from want， which， translated into world terms， means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.
The fourth is freedom from fear， which， translated into world terms， means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor——anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation.That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception-the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change， in a perpetual， peaceful revolution， a revolution which goes on steadily， quietly， adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries， working together in a friendly， civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women， and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere.Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them.Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
四大自由
1941年1月6日
参议院议长、众议院议长、第77届国会的各位议员：
我向这届新的国会议员发表的咨文是在美国历史上史无前例的。我用“史无前例”这个词是因为在以前任何时候美国的安全都没有像今天这样严重地受到外来威胁。
自1789年，根据宪法建立起永久的政府后，我国历史上大部分的危机时刻都关乎内政。但幸运的是，只有那次四年内战对我们的国家统一造成过威胁。感谢上帝，48个州的一亿三千万美国人民如今已经忘却了国家内部的分歧。
在1914年以前，美国确实经常受到其他几个大陆所发生事件的干扰。为了维护美国的权力与坚持和平贸易，我们甚至一度陷入与欧洲国家的两场战争以及与西印度群岛、地中海和太平洋地区的多次不宣之战。但没有一次严重威胁到我们的国家安全或我们的继续独立。
我想要传达的是一个历史事实：当文明的进程已完成，美国作为一个国家在任何时间都明确地、坚决地反对任何将我们禁锢在古中国长城之后的企图。今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的下一代，我们要对强制孤立我们或美洲其他地方予以反对。
过去的这些年里，比如在法国革命后的二十五年战争的早期，我们已表明决心。尽管因法国在西印度群岛和路易斯安那的稳固地位而使拿破仑战争威胁到了美国的利益，尽管我们为维护美国和平贸易的权利而卷入了1812年的战争，但显然法国、英国或其他任何国家都没打算统治全世界。
同样地，自1815年至1914年这99年中，欧洲或亚洲没有一个战争对我们或美洲其他国家的将来真正造成威胁。
除了在墨西哥的马西米连诺，没有外强企图在这个半球确立自己的地位。而且英国舰队在大西洋的兵力一直以来都较温和，现在仍然是。即使当1914年世界战争爆发时，他们似乎对我们美国未来的威胁也很小。但随着时间的推移，我们还记得，美国人民也开始设想民主国家的垮台对我们国家的民主制度意味着什么。
我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的不足之处。我们也不必喋喋不休地谈论民主国家无法解决国际重建的问题。我们应该牢记，早在慕尼黑会议之前就有了和解，而1919年的停战协议远比那个公平得多。暴政新秩序的触角如今企图伸向每个大陆，在这种情况下，那样的和解还在继续。美国人民坚决反对那样的暴政。
我想每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受着直接攻击，或被武力攻击，或被秘密散布的恶毒言论攻击。那些人企图制造分裂，在和平国家中挑拨离间。漫长的十六个月以来，这种进攻已在为数众多的大小独立国家中摧毁了整个民主的生活方式。攻击者仍步步逼近，威胁着其他大大小小的国家。
因此，作为总统，我要履行宪法规定的职责，向国会报告联邦的情况。我必须很遗憾地报告：我们国家和民主制度的前途和安全已和远在我国边界之外发生的事件休戚相关。
四大洲的人民正为保卫民主制度的生存而英勇地进行武装保卫战。如果这场保卫战失败，那么征服者将占有欧洲、亚洲、非洲与澳大拉西亚的所有人口和一切资源。我们要记住，这四大洲的总人口和资源远远超过整个西半球的人口和资源的总和，多好几倍。
在这样的时期，美国毫无准备，犹如一只手被绑在了背后。要是任何人吹嘘说这样的美国可以对抗全世界，那么他就是幼稚的，也是随口说说，不可信的。
任何现实的美国人都不会指望从独裁者的和平中得到国际的宽容，或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或信仰自由，或公平贸易。这种和平绝不会给我们和邻国带来安全。那些为了一时安全而甘愿放弃基本自由的人是不配得到自由和安全的。
作为一个国家，我们可以自诩自己的仁慈；但是，我们却不能头脑糊涂。我们必须时时刻刻提防那些说空话、大肆宣传绥靖主义的人。我们必须特别提防要把美国国徽上的白头海雕的翅膀剪下来装饰自己巢穴的一小撮自私的人。
最近我曾指出，现代战争能很快将武力攻击蔓延到我国。如果独裁国家打赢了这场战争，我们就必须意识到武力攻击总有一天会到来。
有些人闲聊说，我们不会立即受到来自海外直接的入侵。显然，只要英国海军维持现有力量，受到入侵的危险就不会存在。即使没有英国海军，在未夺得可用于发动攻击的战略基地之前，也不太可能有敌军愚蠢到跨越几千里重洋登陆美国来袭击我们。
但是，我们从欧洲的过去几年中得到了很多教训，特别是挪威；挪威所有的重要海港都是被敌人连续多年步步为营设下的诡计和出奇不意的进攻夺去的。要入侵这个半球的第一步不是派遣普通部队，关键策略的要点在于先让特务和他们的伪装人员渗入，他们中的大部分已经在这里和拉丁美洲了。只要侵略国保持攻势，发动攻击的时间、地点和方法将由他们而不由我们来选择。
所以，美洲各个共和国的前途如今面临着严重的危险。所以，这次的年度国会咨文在我国历史上独一无二。所以，政府行政部自的每名官员和国会的每名议员都要责无旁贷、背负重任。当务之急是我们的行动和政策都必须以应对这场外来危险为首要的、甚至唯一的任务。因为我们所有的国内问题现在都成为这场重大危机的一部分。
我们在内政方面的国家政策从来都以适度尊重国内所有国民的权利和尊严为基础。同样，外交上的国家政策也一直以适度尊重所有大小国家的权利和尊严为基础。道德的正义最终必须而且一定会胜利。
我们的国策是：
第一，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于全面的国防。
第二，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于对世界各地坚决抵抗侵略而使我们半球免受战祸的人民给予全力支持。我们以此来表达对民主事业必将胜利的决心，我们以此来加强本国的国防和安全。
第三，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，坚持我们的观点，即以道德的原则和对我们本身安全的考虑将绝不容许我们默认侵略者所强加的和绥靖主义者所提倡的那种和平。我们知道，持久的和平绝不能以牺牲别国人民的自由来换取。
在最近的一次大选中，两大党派就国家政策而言没有实质上的分歧。在美国选民面前也没有就这条政治路线发生分歧。现在足可证明全美公民都要求并支持立刻完全投入到应对重大危机的行动中去。
在未来的日子里，我们将努力谋求安全，期待着一个建立在人类四种基本自由之上的世界来临。第一是在世界各地都有言论和表达的自由。第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。第三是免于匮乏的自由。这从全世界来说，指经济上的和谐，保证全世界每个国家的居民生活在健康与和平的时期。第四是免于恐惧的自由。这从世界范围来说，指全世界的军备裁减，以达到全世界任何国家都完完全全没有能力对其邻国发起武装侵略的程度。
这不是对一个遥远的幸福时代的梦想。这是我们这个时代、我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的必须基础。这种世界与独裁者企图用炸弹建立起来的所谓暴政的“新秩序”完全相反。
我们提出一种更伟大的理念——道德秩序，来反对那种新秩序。一个完善的社会同样可以毫不畏惧地应对世界统治和国外革命的阴谋。
美国有史以来，我们一直都致力于变革，一种长久的和平革命。这种革命随着坏境的变化而悄无声息地不断自我调节，再没有集中营，也不用生石灰填沟壑。我们所追求的世界秩序是自由国家在一个友好、文明的社会里互相合作，共同努力。
我们国家已将自己的命运放在亿万自由男女的手中、脑中和心中；把对自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着处处人权至上。我们支持那些为获得和维护这些权利而奋斗的人们。我们的力量在于我们有共同的目标。
为这个崇高的信念而奋斗，不达胜利，誓不罢休。
第三节 演说语录总汇
The justice of morality must and will win in the end.
道德的正义最终必须而且一定会胜利。
We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
持久的和平绝不能以牺牲别国人民的自由来换取。
In the future days， which we seek to make secure， we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
在未来的日子里，我们将努力谋求安全，期待着一个建立在人类四种基本自由之上的世界来临。
The first is freedom of speech and expression——everywhere in the world.
第一是在世界各地都有言论和表达的自由。
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way——everywhere in the world.
第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。
The third is freedom from want， which， translated into world terms， means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants——everywhere in the world.
第三是免于匮乏的白由。这从全世界来说，指经济上的和谐，保证全世界每个国家的居民生活在健康与和平的时期。
The fourth is freedom from fear， which， translated into world terms， means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor——anywhere in the world.
第四是免于恐惧的自由。这从世界范围来说，指全世界的军备裁减，以达到全世界任何国家都完完全全没有能力对其邻国发起武装侵略的程度。
聚合中文网 阅读好时光 www.juhezwn.com
小提示:漏章、缺章、错字过多试试导航栏右上角的源