Flora had promised herself that in Montpellier, where she arrived from Nîmes on August 17, 1844, she would do nothing but rest. She needed to recover her strength; she was exhausted. Her dysentery had persisted for two months now, and each night she could feel stabbing pains in her chest where the bullet lay next to her heart. But fate had other plans for her. The Hôtel du Cheval Blanc, where she had a room reserved, shut its door in her face upon discovering that she was traveling alone. "Like any decent establishment, we admit ladies only when they come with their fathers or husbands," the manager admonished her.
She was about to reply, "Well, in Nîmes I was told that the Hôtel du Cheval Blanc was little better than the brothel of Montpellier," when a traveling salesman who had arrived at the same time stepped in, offering to vouch for the lady. The hotelkeeper hesitated. Flora was touched, until she realized that the gallant gentleman insisted on taking a single room for the two of them. "Do you think me a whore?" she cried, turning and dealing him a ringing slap. The wretch was left speechless, rubbing his face. Carrying her bags, she went out into the streets of Montpellier to look for a place to stay. It was noon by the time she found one—the Hôtel du Midi, a small establishment in the midst of reconstruction, at which she was the only guest. In the seven days she spent in the city she lived with the constant bustle and clamor of the builders and laborers who, swinging from the scaffolding, were repairing and enlarging the place. So tired was she that, despite the oppressive noise, she gave up looking for another inn.
In the first four days she held no meetings with workers or any of the local Saint-Simonians or Fourierists for whom she had letters of introduction. But they were not days of rest. She was so tormented by her bloated belly and cramps that she had to see a doctor. Dr. Amador, recommended by the hotel, happened to be Spanish, and Flora was happy to be able to practice with him the language she had scarcely had a chance to speak since her return from Peru ten years ago. Dr. Amador, a fanatic believer in homeopathy—which, raising his eyes to heaven, he called the "new science"—was a gracious, well-educated man in his fifties, dark and long-limbed. He had Saint-Simonian sympathies, and was convinced that Saint-Simon's "theory of fluids," the key to understanding history's progress, also explained the workings of the human body. "The technical and economic sciences will transform society, Doña Flora," he told her, in his baritone voice. It was pleasant talking to him. Faithful to the homeopathic belief that like is cured by like, he prescribed a preparation of arsenic and sulfur, which Flora drank nervously, afraid of being poisoned. But after her second day of taking the strange potion, she noticed a considerable improvement.
This attentive, respectful man, who listened to you deferentially even though the two of you often disagreed, was like the first "modern men" you met, thanks to your boldness and determination, in Paris at the beginning of 1835, upon your return from Peru, after that infernal voyage on which you were nearly raped by a shameless, degenerate passenger, Mad Antonio. Did you remember, Florita? At night he tried to force the door of your cabin, and the ship's captain refused to call him to order; he must have been used to seeing his passengers assault women traveling on their own. You reproached him for it, and Captain Alencar, to excuse himself, responded with this instructive bit of nonsense: "In my thirty years at sea you are the first woman I've seen traveling alone." Quite a horrific little voyage your return trip to France proved to be, thanks to your seasickness and Mad Antonio!
But what did that disagreeable experience matter to you those first few months in Paris, in the little apartment you rented on the rue Chabanais? Your modest income from Uncle Pío Tristán permitted you to live decently. Brimming with enthusiasms and dreams after your year in Peru, which had taught you more than you might have learned in five years at the Sorbonne, you returned to France resolved to be a different person, to cast off your chains, to live fully and freely, to repair the gaps in your understanding, to cultivate your intelligence, and, above all, to do things—many things—to make the lives of women better than yours had been.
It was in this state of mind, soon after returning to France, that you wrote your first book—or rather, your first booklet, a brief pamphlet: On the Need to Give a Warm Welcome to Foreign Women. Now you were ashamed by the naïveté of that sentimental, romantic, well-intentioned text, addressing the silent or hostile reception that foreigners received in France. Imagine, to have proposed the founding of a society that would help foreign women settle in Paris, find them lodgings, provide them with introductions, and assist any who were in need! A society whose members would take an oath, write an anthem, and wear an insignia inscribed with the group's three mottos: Virtue, Prudence, and Propaganda Against Vice! Seized by laughter—how silly you were then, Florita—she stretched in her tiny room at the Hôtel du Midi. Even you hadn't been able to resist the mania for forming societies that had taken hold in France.
The booklet was a youthful effort, and revealed your lack of schooling; the manuscript had so many spelling mistakes that the owner of the Delaunay press, near the Palais Royal, had to correct it from beginning to end. Wasn't there anything worth salvaging from it, despite how much you had matured since then? There were a few things, yes. For example, your profession of faith—"The love of humanity is a belief more beautiful and holy than any other, a religion"—and your attacks on nationalism: "The universe should be our nation." The founding of societies was the obsession of the Saint-Simonians and Fourierists. Did that mean you were already in contact with them when the pamphlet was published?
Only through your reading. You read a great deal in your little flat on the rue Chabanais, and then in the one on the rue du Cherche-Midi, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, despite all the headaches André Chazal was causing you. You were trying to absorb the ideas, philosophies, and doctrines of modernity, which you saw as the most effective tools for achieving women's emancipation. From the Saint-Simonian journal Le Globe to the Fourierist La Phalange, and on through all the pamphlets, books, articles, and lectures you could lay your hands on, you wanted to read everything. You spent hours and hours scribbling in margins, filling notecards, and writing summaries, at home or in the two reading rooms you joined. How enthusiastically you sought to associate yourself with the Saint-Simonians and Fourierists, the two schools that at the time—you had yet to learn of the ideas of Étienne Cabet or the Scotsman Robert Owen—seemed closest to achieving your goal: equal rights for men and women.
The Comte de Saint-Simon, a philosopher and economist who envisioned a "frictionless society in which all are productive," had died in 1825, and his heir, the slim, elegant, refined, and enlightened Prosper Enfantin, was still the leader of the Saint-Simonians. Enfantin was one of the first to whom you sent your little book, with a worshipful inscription. He invited you to a meeting of his followers in Saint-Germain-des-Prés. Did you remember how dazzled you were to clasp the hand of that charismatic lay priest, a ready talker who made the ladies of Paris swoon? He had been imprisoned after the first experiment in Saint-Simonian society in Ménilmontant, where, to foster solidarity among his companions and abolish individualism, he had designed fantastic uniforms: tunics that buttoned in the back and could only be fastened with the help of another person. Enfantin had traveled to Egypt in search of the Woman-Messiah who, according to the movement's doctrine, would be the savior of humankind. He hadn't found her there, and he was still looking for her. The feminist frenzy of the Saint-Simonians now seemed to you lacking in seriousness, an extravagant, frivolous game. But in 1835 it touched your soul, Florita. Reverently, you stared at the empty chair that presided over Saint-Simonian meetings next to Father Prosper Enfantin. How could you fail to be moved upon discovering that you weren't alone, that in Paris there were others like you who found it intolerable that women were considered inferior beings with no rights of their own, second-class citizens? Before the empty chair at the ceremonies of Saint-Simon's disciples, you began to repeat to yourself secretly, like a prayer, "It's you who'll be the savior of humanity, Flora Tristán."
But in order to be the Saint-Simonian Woman-Messiah, it was necessary to become a couple—to go to bed, plainly speaking—with Prosper Enfantin. Many Parisian women were tempted by the prospect. You weren't. Your reformist zeal went only so far.
If the Comte de Saint-Simon had been dead for some time, Charles Fourier was still alive in 1835. He was sixty-three years old when you met him, Andalusa, two years before his death. And nine years later, despite your scorn for his disciples, those theory-obsessed and ineffectual Fourierists, you always remembered him with admiration—and filial affection, though you had few dealings with him. Fourier was the first to receive a copy of On the Need to Give a Warm Welcome to Foreign Women, and you offered him your assistance in exalted language. "In me, Master, you will find a strength uncommon among those of my sex, an urgent desire to do good." And, to your great surprise, the noble, immaculate little old man, with his neatly pressed frock coat and kindly blue eyes, appeared in person at number 42, rue du Cherche-Midi, to thank you for the book and congratulate you on your innovative ideas and your passion for justice. It was one of the happiest days of your life, Florita!
You had great difficulty understanding some of his theories (that there existed a social order equivalent to the physical order of the universe discovered by Newton, for example, or that humanity had to pass through eight stages of savagery and barbarism before reaching Harmony, where it would attain happiness); you read The Theory of the Four Movements, The New Industrial World, and countless articles in La Phalange and other Fourierist publications. But it was above all the generous sage himself—the resplendent moral purity that emanated from his person, the frugality of his life (he lived alone, in a modest little flat crammed with books and papers on the rue Saint-Pierre in Montmartre, where one day you brought him an hourglass as a present), his kindness, his horror of all forms of violence, and his staunch confidence in the essential goodness of humankind—who, between 1835 and 1837, made you consider yourself a disciple.
Like you, Fourier was opposed to the unfortunate institution of marriage, believing that it turned women into objects, without dignity or freedom. At first you were enthralled by his theories, and you shared Fourier's assurance that a society's level of civilization was directly proportionate to the degree of independence enjoyed by women. But some of his other assertions puzzled you, like his absolute certainty that the world would last exactly eighty thousand years, and his precise calculations about the transmigration of souls. Didn't these pronouncements seem closer to superstition than to science?
Fourier's disciples, beginning with Victor Considérant, the head of La Phalange, didn't think so. Nor did they doubt his faith in the phalanstery as the seed of humanity's future happiness. Even now, in 1844, they managed to believe, as Fourier had, that there were capitalists capable of magnanimous acts. Magnanimous? Suicidal was more like it. Because in the hypothetical case of the triumph of Fourierism, capitalism would vanish from the world. But such a thing would never happen, and you, Florita, despite your meager learning, understood very well why not. Capitalists might be wicked and selfish, but they knew their own interests. They would never finance a gallows on which they themselves would hang. That was why you no longer believed in the Fourierists, why you regarded them with pity. Nevertheless, you had maintained a good relationship with Victor Considérant, who, since 1836, had published letters and articles written by you in La Phalange that were often very critical of the journal itself. And despite being aware that you were no longer one of them, he gave you letters and introductions for your tour around France.
When Dr. Amador, the Montpellier homeopath whom Flora saw several times that week, heard her sharply criticize the Fourierists and Saint-Simonians, accusing them of being "weak" and "bourgeois," he laughed at her for her "fiery nature." As he spoke, the Spaniard smoothed the neat gray sideburns that grew down to his chin, and Flora felt certain that he was attracted to her. He was always complimenting you, Andalusa. And yet your cordial relationship came to a rather abrupt end the day you learned, from Dr. Amador himself, that in his classes at the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Montpellier he didn't teach homeopathy, which was not accepted by the academy, but rather the conventional allopathic medicine, which—he had told her in no uncertain terms—he scorned as old and outmoded.
"How can you teach something you don't believe in, and be paid for it, too?" sputtered a shocked Madame-la-Colère. "It makes no sense; it's wrong."
"There now, don't judge me so harshly," he replied, startled by her fierce reaction. "My friend, I have to live. One cannot be absolutely consistent and ethical in life, unless one feels the call of martyrdom."
"I must feel it," said Madame-la-Colère. "Because I always try to behave honorably, in keeping with my convictions. My tongue would fall out of my head if I had to teach things I didn't believe in, just to earn a salary."
It was the last time they saw each other. And yet, although Flora's criticisms had surely stung him, Dr. Amador sent a carpenter to the Hôtel du Midi to see her. André Médard proved to be a keen, agreeable young man. He had formed a workers' mutual aid society, which he invited her to visit.
"Why have you decided not to speak in Montpellier, madame?"
"Because I was told I wouldn't find a single intelligent worker here," said Flora, to provoke him.
"There are four hundred of us, madame," he said, laughing. "I'm one of them."
"With four hundred intelligent workers I could wage revolution all over France, my boy," Flora retorted.
The meeting that André Médard organized for her was a great success. The sixteen men and four women who attended were uninformed, but curious and eager to listen, and they showed interest in the Workers' Union and the Workers' Palaces. They bought some books and agreed to form a committee of five members—one woman among them—to promote the movement in Montpellier. And they told Flora things that surprised her. Beneath the calm semblance of a prosperous bourgeois city, Montpellier, according to them, was a powder keg. There was no work, and many of the unemployed roamed the streets in defiance of the authorities, sometimes stoning the carriages and houses of the rich, of whom there were many in the city.
"If the Workers' Union doesn't hasten to bring about peaceful change, France and maybe even all of Europe will explode," Flora declared, at the end of the meeting. "The carnage will be terrible. To work, my friends!"
Unlike her first leisurely days in Montpellier, the last three were packed with activity, thanks to Dr. Amador's homeopathic remedy, which made her feel euphoric and full of energy. She tried unsuccessfully to visit the prison, and made the rounds of the city's bookshops, leaving copies of The Workers' Union. Finally, she met with twenty local Fourierists. As always, they disappointed her. They were professionals and bureaucrats incapable of moving on from theory to action, with an innate distrust of the workers, whom they seemed to see as a threat to their peaceable bourgeois existences. When it came time for questions, a lawyer, Maître Saissac, managed to infuriate her by chiding her for "exceeding the duties of a woman, who should never give up the care of the home for politics." In turn, the lawyer was offended when she called him "a caveman, an uncivilized brute, a social troglodyte."
Maître Saissac bore a certain resemblance to André Chazal as he had looked in 1835, 1836, and 1837, his sallow, crumpled face aged by poverty, bitterness, and rancor. Flora was forced to see him several times and confront him; the souvenir of her war with him was the bullet she carried in her chest, which the good doctors Récamier and Lisfranc hadn't been able to remove. Between 1835 and 1837, Chazal kidnapped poor Aline three times (and Ernest-Camille twice), making the girl the sad, melancholic, shy creature she was now. And each time, the nightmarish judges whom Flora petitioned to demand custody of her two children settled in Chazal's favor, even though he was a derelict, a drunk, a pervert, a degenerate, a miserable creature who lived in a rank hovel where the children could only lead an unhappy life. And why? Because André Chazal was the husband, the one with all the power and rights, although he was a piece of human filth, a man capable of seeking pleasure in his own daughter's body. You, on the other hand, who by dint of your own efforts had managed to educate yourself, publish your writings, and live decorously; you, who could assure your two children a good education and a decent life, were always eyed suspiciously by the judges, who were convinced that all independent women must be sluts. Wretches!
How were you able to write Peregrinations of a Pariah at such a frantic time, Florita, while you were fighting André Chazal in court and in the streets? The memoir of your trip to Peru appeared in two volumes in Paris at the beginning of 1838, and in just a few weeks you were famous in French literary and intellectual circles. It was your indomitable energy that made it possible, the energy that only in the last few months had begun to fail you, on this tour.
The book was written in fits and starts, between mad dashes to police stations at the order of examining magistrates, and police summonses to respond to Chazal's wild accusations. As Chazal himself confessed before the judge who tried him for attempted murder, what he really wanted wasn't to wrest custody of his children away from Flora, but to have his revenge, to wreak vengeance upon the woman who, despite being his lawful wife, had dared to abandon him and flaunt her shameless deeds before the whole world in articles and books—telling how she ran away from home, traveled to Peru as an unmarried woman, and allowed herself to be courted by other men—maligning him all the while by presenting him before public opinion as brutal and abusive.
And in the end, André Chazal got his revenge—to begin with, by raping poor Aline, knowing that his crime would hurt the mother as well as the daughter. Once again Flora felt the dizziness that overcame her that April morning in 1837, when Aline's little letter reached her hands. The girl had given it to an obliging water carrier, who in turn personally delivered it to Flora. At her wit's end, she flew to rescue her children, and reported Chazal to the police for rape and incest. Before being taken into custody, he accosted her in the street. The incredible thing was—wasn't it, Florita?—that thanks to the rhetorical skills of Chazal's lawyer, Jules Favre, instead of revolving around her husband's crimes, the trial was made to turn on the deviant character, doubtful virtue, and reprehensible behavior of—Flora Tristán! The judge declared that the rape "was not proved," and ordered that the children be sent to a boarding school where their parents could visit them separately. This was the sort of justice women could expect in France, Florita—and it was the reason you were on this crusade.
The appearance of Peregrinations of a Pariah brought her literary renown and some money (two editions quickly sold out) but also problems. The scandal the book caused in Paris—no woman had ever exposed her private life so frankly, or laid claim so proudly to the status of pariah, or declared her rebellion against society, conventions, and marriage as you had—was nothing compared to the scandal it provoked in Peru when the first copies reached Lima and Arequipa. You would have liked to have been there to see and hear what the furious gentlemen who could read French had said upon seeing themselves portrayed so unflatteringly. It amused you to learn that the Lima bourgeoisie had burned you in effigy at the Central Theater, and that your uncle Don Pío Tristán had presided over a ceremony in Arequipa's Plaza de Armas in which a copy of Peregrinations of a Pariah was set symbolically ablaze for vilifying Arequipan society. It was less amusing when Don Pío cut off the small allowance you had been living on. Emancipation didn't come cheap, Florita.
The book almost cost you your life. André Chazal never forgave you the merciless portrait you painted of him. For weeks and months he brooded over his revenge. Sketches of tombstones and epitaphs featuring the "Pariah" were later found in his room in Montmartre, dating from the publication of Peregrinations. In May of that year he bought two pistols, fifty bullets, powder, lead, and cartridges, without bothering to destroy the receipts. After that, he often boasted at the bar to his engraver friends that he would soon administer justice himself, punishing "that Jezebel" with his own hand. Some Sundays, he took little Ernest-Camille along to watch him practice target-shooting with his pistols. All through August you saw him prowling around the building where you lived on the rue du Bac, and although you alerted the police, they did nothing to protect you. On September 10, André Chazal left his squalid quarters in Montmartre and coolly went to have lunch at a small restaurant a few hundred feet from your house. He ate in leisurely fashion, absorbed in a book of geometry, in which, according to the restaurant's owner, he was making notes. At three-thirty in the afternoon, you spotted Chazal from the distance as you walked home in the stifling summer heat. You watched him approach, and you knew what was about to happen. But dignity or pride kept you from running, and you walked on, your head held high. When he was twenty feet away, Chazal raised one of the two pistols he was carrying and fired. You fell to the ground, the bullet having entered your armpit and lodged in your breast. As Chazal aimed the second pistol, preparing to shoot again, you managed to rise and run to a nearby store, where you fainted. Later you learned that Chazal, the coward, never shot the second pistol, and gave himself up to the police without a struggle. Now he was serving a sentence of twenty years of hard labor. You had freed yourself of him, Florita—forever. The law even allowed you to change Aline and Ernest's last name from Chazal to Tristán. Though belated, it was a true reprieve. But Chazal left you a souvenir, that bullet in your chest which might kill you at any moment if it shifted even slightly toward your heart. Dr. Récamier and Dr. Lisfranc, despite all their efforts and the many instruments with which they probed you, were unable to remove the missile. The assassination attempt made you a heroine, and during your convalescence the little flat on the rue de Bac became a fashionable spot. Many Paris celebrities dropped by to inquire about your health, from George Sand to Eugène Sue, Victor Considérant to Prosper Enfantin. You became more famous than a singer at the Opéra or a lady acrobat at the circus, Florita. But the death of little Ernest-Camille, as sudden and cruel as an earthquake, darkened what had seemed to be the end of your misadventures and the start of a period of peace and success.
Dr. Récamier and Dr. Lisfranc were so kind to you and so devoted that before setting out on your journey to promote the Workers' Union, you drafted a holographic will, donating your body to them in the case of your death, so that they might use it in their clinical research. Your head you bequeathed to the Phrenological Society of Paris, in memory of the sessions you had attended there, which left you with a very favorable impression of the new science of phrenology.
Despite the doctors' recommendations that you lead a quiet life, mindful of the cold metal in your breast, as soon as you were able to get up and go out, your life achieved a hectic pace. Since you were famous now, the salons competed for your presence. Just as you had been in Arequipa, you were drawn into the social whirl of Paris, attending receptions, galas, teas, salons. You even let yourself be dragged to the masked ball at the Opéra, which astonished you with its magnificence. That night you met a thin woman with penetrating eyes, a beauty with classic features who kissed your hand and said, in charmingly accented French, "I admire you and envy you, Madame Tristán. My name is Olympia Maleszewska. May we be friends?" You would indeed be friends—very close friends—a little while later.
If you had been a different sort of person, Florita, you might have become a grande dame, with the popularity you enjoyed for a while thanks to Peregrinations of a Pariah and the assassination attempt. By now you'd be like George Sand, an admired and much-praised woman of the world with an intense social life, who also happened to denounce injustice in her writings. A respected salon socialist, in other words. But for good or for ill, you weren't that person. You had understood at once that a siren of the Paris salons would never be capable of changing social reality one jot, or of exercising any sort of influence on political affairs. It was necessary to act. But how?
At the time, you thought writing was the way, that ideas and words would be enough. How wrong you were. Ideas were essential, but if they weren't accompanied by decisive action on the part of the victims—women and workers—those lovely words would vanish like smoke and never be heard outside the drawing rooms of Paris. But eight years, nine years ago, you believed that words in print denouncing the world's wrongs would be enough to set social change in motion. And so you wrote urgently, passionately, on every conceivable subject, straining your eyes in the light of an oil lamp in your little flat on the rue du Bac, from the windows of which you could make out the square towers of Saint-Sulpice and hear the ringing of its bells, which made the windowpanes of your bedroom vibrate. You composed a plea titled Abolition of the Death Penalty, which you caused to be printed and then personally delivered to the Chamber of Deputies, without its having the slightest effect on the parliamentarians. And you wrote Méphis, a novel about the social oppression of women and the exploitation of workers, which few people read and the critics judged dreadful. (Maybe it was. You didn't care: what mattered was not an aesthetic that lulled people into pleasant slumber, but rather the reform of society.) You wrote articles in Le Voleur, L'Artiste, Le Globe, and La Phalange, and you gave talks, condemning marriage as the purchase and sale of women and demanding the right to divorce. Your words were ignored by politicians and provoked the indignation of Catholics.
When the English social reformer Robert Owen visited France in 1837, you went to see him, though you had scarcely heard of his New Lanark, Scotland, experiments in cooperativism and the regulation of industrial and agricultural society by scientific and technical methods. You questioned him at such length about his theories that he was amused—and he returned the visit, knocking at the door of your little flat in the rue du Bac, as Fourier had come to visit you on the rue du Cherche-Midi. Owen, sixty-six, was less of a sage and a dreamer than Fourier, more pragmatic; he had the air of someone who put his plans into action. The two of you argued, then found common ground, and he encouraged you to come to New Lanark to see the workings of his little society with your own eyes. There, by encouraging solidarity instead of greed, promoting free education without corporal punishment for children, and establishing cooperative stores for the workers where products were sold at cost, he was forging a community of healthy, happy people. The idea of returning to England, a country you remembered with aversion ever since your days as a maid with the Spence family, attracted and terrified you. But the possibility kept tugging at your mind. Wouldn't it be wonderful to go, make a study, and find out everything about social issues there, as you had in Peru, and then pour it all into an accusatory volume that would shake the British empire—that society riddled with hypocrisy and lies—to its foundations? Hardly had you conceived the project when you began to seek a way to put it into practice.
Alas, Florita, it was a pity that because of your body, your spirit was no longer as resilient as it was seven years ago, when you could undertake many tasks at once, giving up eating or sleeping if necessary. Now, the labors you imposed on yourself required you to exert immense willpower to overcome your exhaustion, a numbing elixir that seemed to dissolve your bones and muscles, obliging you to lie down in bed or rest in an armchair two or three times a day, feeling that your life was slipping away from you.
She felt that kind of weariness after her second meeting with a group of Fourierists from Montpellier, held at their request. She arrived at the appointed time, intrigued. They had taken up a small collection, and they gave her twenty francs for the Workers' Union. It wasn't much, but something was always better than nothing. She joked and chatted with them until a sudden wave of fatigue made her bid them farewell and return to the Hôtel du Midi.
There were two letters waiting for her. The one she opened first was from Eléonore Blanc. Loyal Eléonore, always so loving and energetic, gave her a detailed account of the activities of the committee in Lyon: new members, meetings, money raised, sales of Flora's book, efforts to attract workers. The other letter was from her friend the artist Jules Laure, with whom she was very close. In the salons of Paris it was said that they were lovers, and that Laure supported her. The first assertion was false, since when Laure, after painting her portrait four years ago, declared his love, Flora rejected him with brusque frankness. She told him categorically that he must not insist: her mission, her struggle, were incompatible with passionate love. In order to devote herself entirely to reforming society, she had renounced affairs of the heart. As incredible as it seemed, Jules Laure understood. Since they couldn't be lovers, he implored her to let them be friends, brother and sister, partners. And that is what they were. In the painter, Flora had found someone who respected and loved her, a confidant and an ally who offered her friendship and support in her moments of need. Laure was financially well-off, too, and sometimes helped her out of material difficulties. He had never spoken to her of love again, or even tried to take her hand.
His letter brought bad news. The owner of her flat at number 100, rue du Bac, had evicted her for not paying her rent for several months in a row. Her bed and all her belongings had been tossed out into the street. By the time Jules Laure was informed and ran to retrieve them and put them into storage, several hours had gone by. He feared that many of her things had been stolen by the neighbors. Flora stood stupefied for a moment. Her heart beat faster, spurred by anger. With her eyes closed, she imagined the shameful scene, the men hired by that pig in a raincoat who always smelled of garlic, taking out furniture, boxes, clothing, papers, dropping them down the stairs, piling them up on the cobblestones. Only after a long while could she sob and vent her rage, insulting aloud the "miserable bastards," "repugnant money-grubbers," "filthy harpies."
"We'll burn all the landlords alive," she shouted, imagining smoking pyres on every corner in Paris, where the wretches smoldered. Finally, when she had plotted enough evil, she began to laugh. Once again, her malevolent fantasies had calmed her: it was a game she had played since her childhood in the rue du Fouarre, and it always proved effective.
But immediately afterward, forgetting that she no longer had a home and had probably lost most of her meager possessions, she began to think how she might give her revolutionaries a minimum of security, providing them with sustenance and a place to sleep as they went about winning followers and preaching social reform. When midnight came she was still working in her little hotel room by the light of a sputtering oil lamp, on a project to establish shelters for revolutionaries that, like the Jesuit monasteries and houses, would always be waiting for them with beds and bowls of hot soup when they went out into the world to preach revolution.
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